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dc.contributor.authorGarcía Sánchez, Efraín 
dc.contributor.authorTurner-Zwinkels, Felicity M.
dc.contributor.authorKesberg, Rebekka
dc.contributor.authorMarot, Medhi
dc.contributor.authorRodríguez Bailón, Rosa María 
dc.contributor.authorWillis Sánchez, Guillermo Byrd 
dc.contributor.authorKuppens, Toon
dc.date.accessioned2024-07-17T09:32:07Z
dc.date.available2024-07-17T09:32:07Z
dc.date.issued2024-03-21
dc.identifier.citationGarcía-Sánchez et al. 37(1): 5, 1–17. [https://doi.org/10.5334/irsp.838]es_ES
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/10481/93178
dc.description.abstractEconomic threats, along with political identities and ideologies, are associated with affective polarization. However, there is still a need to learn more about the consequences of different economic threats and identities fueling polarization. We take a longitudinal perspective in testing the influence of these phenomena on affective polarization. Specifically, we tested the effect of subjective personal and collective economic threats and political, national, regional, and European identities on affective polarization towards politicians and partisans in Spain. We use four waves of the E-DEM panel study from Spain (N = 2,501) collected between 2018 and 2019. We conducted longitudinal multilevel analyses to determine the growth in affective polarization and included predictors at the between- and within-person levels. Consistent with our hypotheses, we found that collective economic threats, such as perceiving more unfairness in the distribution of wealth and being dissatisfied with the Spanish economy, positively predict affective polarization. Contrary to our expectations, personal economic threats did not predict affective polarization. Furthermore, political and national identities positively predicted affective polarization towards politicians and partisans. Interestingly, exploratory analyses suggested that the associations between economic threats, identities, and affective polarization are moderated by political ideology. We discuss how economic threats and identities may exacerbate animosities toward political actors.es_ES
dc.description.sponsorshipNORFACE Joint Research Program on Democratic Governance in a Turbulent Agees_ES
dc.description.sponsorshipSpain Research Agencyes_ES
dc.description.sponsorshipEuropean Commission through Horizon 2020 under grant agreement no. 822166es_ES
dc.description.sponsorshipSpain Research Agency (grant nos. AEI, PCI2020-112285, 10.13039/501100011033; PID2022-140252NB-I00; PID2019105643GB-I00)es_ES
dc.description.sponsorshipPID2022-140252NB-I00 funded by MICIU/AEI/10.13039/501100011033es_ES
dc.description.sponsorshipERDF/EUes_ES
dc.language.isoenges_ES
dc.publisherInternational Review of Social Psychologyes_ES
dc.rightsAtribución 4.0 Internacional*
dc.rights.urihttp://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/*
dc.subjectAffective polarization;es_ES
dc.subjecteconomic threatses_ES
dc.subjectEconomic inequalityes_ES
dc.titleEconomic Threats, Political and National Identification Predict Affective Polarization: Longitudinal Evidence From Spaines_ES
dc.typejournal articlees_ES
dc.relation.projectIDgrantAgreement/EC/H2020/822166es_ES
dc.rights.accessRightsopen accesses_ES
dc.identifier.doi10.5334/irsp.838
dc.type.hasVersionVoRes_ES


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